Egypt: Nothing has changed, but everything begins…

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Everyone, whatever he says, whatever he does, takes part in the class
struggle… Either in an active or a passive way… While developing and
deepening it or while denying it… As a subject of his own existence or
as an object of his survival under the dictatorship of value… In the
camp of the proletariat or that of the bourgeoisie… As a human being
or as a useful idiot of capital… “The history of all hitherto existing
society is the history of class struggles.” (Karl Marx)

In this short text on the present struggles in Egypt, we want to
emphasize the important affirmations of the age-old struggle of our
class against the tyranny of value, against exploitation. Our goal is
obviously not to analyze these events in order to merely understand
them, but rather to transform them, to disrupt the historical everyday
nature of our proletarians’ life of misery gripping us, so that we
should definitely eradicate the capitalist social relation from the
surface of our planet. We don’t want to spend our time describing all
pages long the horrors of this society of death and suffering. We
obviously don’t want to lock ourselves into a passive and academic
role. We are not interested in the biology of capital either, and we
don’t have any intention to describe it in an objective way. On the
contrary our purpose is to directly take part in its final destruction
and to act in the movement of its necrology… And this means to stand
firmly in the heart of the events that have been taking place in front
of our eyes, to be a determined part of them as an active and decisive
force…

Since more than two years, an important wave of struggles has been
flowing across Maghreb and Mashrek. One after another, Tunisia, Egypt,
Bahrain, Yemen, Libya, and Syria… burst into flames of revolt… Some
“dictators” fell, others hang on to the remnants of their power, the
repression is fierce everywhere, because the proletarian are
determined not to croak on the altar of value without at least selling
their life dearly. Struggles against hunger, against misery, against
the increase of prices of “basic” foodstuffs, against unemployment,
against the impunity of torturers, against the arrogance of masters
entrenched in their less and less inaccessible fortresses…

And when “dictators” are ousted under the pressure of “the street”
(soft journalistic euphemism for not referring to the genuine subject
of these movements: i.e. the proletariat in struggle!), or better
said, when the world bourgeoisie and its central apparatuses remove
such or such administrator who is not able to control the situation
anymore, then “new” faces appear, more credible political
“alternatives” appear in order to restore social peace and business
law and order. But very quickly, the struggle recovers its dynamics as
we can see since two years…

In Tunisia, not a day passes without demonstrations, sit-in,
occupations, wildcat strikes in Tunis, Sfax, Siliana, Kasserine, El
Kef, Gafsa, Redeyef, etc., without police stations being burned down
by angry proletarians, who obviously don’t believe to any promises
made by the administrators of their survival anymore, and who are
spreading thus the seeds of an always more global call into question
of this world of misery. The “new” leaders (a mixture of “progressive”
and Islamist factions) are usually booed off their public appearances
as for example on “the revolution’s” anniversary, offices of
governmental Islamist party “Ennahda” are set on fire by proletarians
who are more than fed up to be always fooled and fucked by the
bourgeoisie.

In early February, the murder of a “left opponent” in the middle of
the street sparked things off and thousands of proletarians blew up
with anger. Chokri Belaid was the leader of the “Unified Party of
Democratic Patriots” (what a… bourgeois program!), one of the most
important member organizations of the “Popular Front” that must
somewhat radicalize its speech under the pressure of the proletariat
in order to look like a convincing alternative facing the Islamists
and the “vacuum of power” that could be the consequence of the social
unrest development. The question here is not whether some proletarians
identify themselves with an “opponent” of “Ennahda” government or
not. They only expressed a kind of empathy with somebody they consider
to be a victim of the same state enemy, while Islamist militias, death
squads and other cops hunt and shoot radical proletarians night and
day. From then on, it is not surprising that on this occasion our
class has increased its offensive and targeted the most obvious and
hated representations of this state…

In Syria there is no doubt that the bombing of cities and the
massacres, the terrible state repression and its militarization,
represent a nagging strength that tries to recruit proletarians in
struggle (whether they are armed or not) for one or the other
bourgeois factions opposing each other in the attempt to conquer the
power and the management of social antagonism. All the international
and regional state powers (Russia, Iran and China on one hand, and
Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, France, USA, etc. on the other hand) push
the class confrontation to militarization, in order to make it losing
its dynamics of subversion of this world of misery, in brief to
deprive the proletariat of its class autonomy… The third camp in Syria
(that is to say the proletariat opposed to both poles of the
counterrevolution) is on the road to ruin and to be recruited if
isolation which it is plunged in is not broken, if the universal
content of its struggle (which appears in all the struggles of our
class) is not put forward, if it doesn’t quickly find an echo to its
struggles, if new insurrectional hotbeds don’t develop elsewhere in
order to not give a single moment of rest to the voracious bourgeois
anymore…

And it is precisely from Egypt, where drums rolls of our social war
resound always stronger, that we can hear the voices heralding
determined deepening of social antagonism in the region before it will
spread throughout the world.

“Don’t vote for anybody…”

When the “dictator” Mubarak had been ousted, the whole bourgeoisie
trumpeted that “democracy” will be established, that the “sovereign
people” will participate in the working-out of its future and that its
voice will finally be heard. But very quickly the bourgeoisie grew
disillusioned because the election of the constituent assembly in
November 2011, as well as the presidential election in June 2012 (with
more than 58% of abstention) and the referendum on the new
constitution last December (when an abstention record rate of more
than 68% was reached), i.e. each round of the electoral circus was
rejected by important sectors of the proletariat in a real active
boycott. Near Tahrir square, somebody tagged on a wall: “Don’t vote
for anybody. Nobody will keep his promises. Nobody listens to the
poor. Nobody gives a damn about.” Nevertheless the state succeeded to
mobilize some millions of useful idiots who make themselves
accomplices to the election orgies. And it is thanks to “the people”
that the “Muslim Brotherhood” and other Islamists are (temporarily!)
the “new masters” of the country. We can therefore see very well how,
through this democratic myth of the “sovereign people”, two
contradictory poles oppose each other within the same population: on
one hand “the Egyptian people” that took part in the elections and
therefore in the consolidating of the democratic dictatorship, and on
the other hand of the social barricade the proletariat in struggle
that refused these elections and through direct action continues to
express its contempt (certainly still confused and limited) of
democracy.

We also have here to emphasize the very strong answer that militants
who call themselves “Comrades from Cairo” addressed to “Occupy Wall
Street” (OWS) in November 2011. OWS, by way of “solidarity”, wanted to
send some “election monitors” in Egypt in order to make sure the
election farce “goes smoothly”… Here is what “Comrades from Cairo”
declared: “Truth be told, the news rather shocked us; we spent the
better part of the day simply trying to figure out who could have
asked for such assistance on our behalf. We have some concerns with
the idea, and we wanted to join your conversation. It seems to us that
you have taken to the streets and occupied your parks and cities out
of dissatisfaction with the false promises of the game of electoral
politics. […] Why then, should our elections be any cause for
celebration, when even in the best of all possible worlds they will be
just another supposedly ‘representative’ body ruling in the interest
of the 1% over the remaining 99% of us? […] Is this something you wish
to monitor?”

Despite the obvious limits of this text, we can only express our
genuine solidarity with the reply of “Comrades from Cairo”. In fact,
what OWS proposed means that the capitalist world would be divided in
minimum two parts, with different situations and different tasks to
assume: on one hand the “Western” and rich world where elections and
parliamentarianism are not on the agenda anymore, and on the other
hand the “underdeveloped” countries or the “Third world” where the
tasks of the proletarian masses are to defend a progressive faction of
the ruling class and to use bourgeois means like elections… This is of
course completely false, paternalist and disgusting as for our fellow
brothers and sisters all over the world who confront the same enemies,
the same oppression, the same exploitation, and who use the same arms
and the same means to revolutionize this world, to abolish class
society.

But since the Islamist Morsi was elected president, it has been
obvious that this bourgeois faction will very quickly become
discredited as it is not able to deal with its essential task, that is
to say to manage the capitalist social relation in the interest of the
ruling class, and at the same time to pretend to satisfy the illusory
promises of changes and “welfare” that a few millions of useful idiots
(“the Egyptian people”, working and voting) believed to. Facing
disillusions, wage cuts, increases in prices of basic goods, facing an
always fiercer repression, the proletariat resumed its offensive and
just elected president Morsi has been contested in the streets with as
much force and determination as Mubarak was some months ago…

“Not making things profitable for the capitalists”

The operation of maintenance of social peace in Egypt (which moved
away, after only eighteen days of demonstrations and proletarian
strikes, a “dictator” too cumbersome and incapable of managing the
capitalist social relation in business’ best interests) didn’t bear
fruit at all. One of the first measures to restore capitalist law and
order taken by the military clique after the Mubarak’s fall was to ban
strikes (“which destroy the country”!). Nevertheless we must put
forward that since two years the proletariat has been refusing all
labour discipline, all sacrifice, in brief, it tried in its way to
“not make things profitable for the capitalists”, to paraphrase
comrades of the KAPD in the early twenties. Last October, that is to
say scarcely some weeks after the presidential elections, the “World
Bank” revealed its “concern” (at least) about the scale of social
discontent in Egypt where more than 300 strikes were recorded for the
first two weeks of September, most of them in the key sectors of the
economy belonging to the army. More than 2,000 strikes were registered
in September and October despite the repression and criminalization of
workers militants.

Last November and December, some people kicked up a fuss about the
fact that the new project of constitution imposed by the “Muslim
Brotherhood”, and therefore ultimately by the state of the
capitalists, which these Islamists and other militaries are only the
political representatives of, contains “liberticidal” measures (as it
was said by all the liberals and other worshippers of this hypocrisy
that is the democratic dictatorship). But these manoeuvres were only
badly hiding other measures of the same constitution that consolidates
the anti-worker repression and is just the continuation of the
numerous arrests and trials against workers’ militants involved in the
rise of wildcat strikes. And it is against this umpteenth attempt to
muzzle our class that thousands of fighting proletarians took to the
streets in Cairo, Alexandria, Suez, Port Said, Ismailia, etc., that
they assaulted the presidential palace, that they clashed with the
cops but also with the Islamist militias, and with the thugs of
“Muslim Brotherhood” military branch, that they burned down dozens of
their offices all over the country. Let us also emphasize that while
expressing thus all its contempt towards the Islamist “new power”
(“democratically elected”, let’s remind it), our class brothers and
sisters wanted also to commemorate the important and bloody struggles
of November 2011 (known under the name of “battle of Mohamed Mahmud
street”), boycotting the election of the constituent assembly, when
more than forty of our class fellows died.

All this rebellion, all this revolt, all this deep-rooted refusal to
get submitted to laws and labour standards of General Capital, all
this in spite of the democratic election toys that are served up to
our class, in brief all this sabotage of the national economy let the
Egyptian economy in quite a catastrophic state of crisis. The local
currency, Egyptian pound, must be devalued, the monetary reserves of
the Central Bank, that were 36 billions $ in January 2011 (that is to
say just before Mubarak’s fall), were only 13 billions $ two years
later, hardly enough to pay three months of basic goods importing. The
Egyptian government urgently needs 15 billions $ to balance its
budget; but so far only Qatar accepted to lend 5, what is far from
being sufficient. Last summer, president Morsi had negotiated a loan
of 4.8 billions $ with the IMF, but the accentuation of wildcat
strikes and social unrests postponed this agreement. The “subliminal”
message from the IMF is that Egypt has to first of all restore law and
order as well as social peace in the country, and to stop subsidies to
“vital commodities” granted by the Egyptian government, which will
inevitably cause a new wave of unrest… More and more the local as well
as world bourgeoisie is reaching a dead end in its systemic crisis…

As January 25th, 2013 approached…

On this day that officially marks the second anniversary of the
beginning of “the revolution” that had toppled Mubarak, the
proletarian forces once again massively expressed themselves in the
streets while clashing with the forces of conservation of this old
world. These events don’t represent a “second round of the
revolution”, and even less a “second revolution”, but it is the same
movement of our class, the same process of questioning what exists, it
is the same movement that continues, that develops and affirms itself
always stronger. And there is not only continuity in time, i.e. the
fact that there has been no “cessation of hostilities” between
proletariat and bourgeoisie since two last years. It concerns also the
content of the struggle, its reflexion through which the movement
clarifies not only against what it stands here and now, but also what
it fights for in the historical context. For many of those who
revolted against Mubarak it is clear today, that in reality they have
been revolting against any personification of the capitalist relation
of exploitation. It is about continuity of deepening of the rupture
sketched in January 2011 which has been gaining bright colours in an
unavoidable process of radicalisation. Our class doesn’t content
itself with some cosmetic changes (e.g. various rounds of the
electoral circus, new constitution, “freedom of the press”, etc.)
combined with various measures aiming to get the national economy on
its feet again and therefore to increase the rate of our exploitation.

Learning from the violent confrontations last November and December,
some more determined and advanced elements of our class developed the
offensive and security of proletarian rallies while organizing
autonomous fighting groups which fight back all the attempts of
Islamist thugs to quell our movement. All the medias had a field day
with the story of “a new group of Black Bloc in Egypt”…
Sensationalism, what a crap… But it is since weeks and months, in fact
already since before “the revolution” of 2011, that the proletarian
associationism (stemming from the dynamics of the movement of
struggle) develops, strengthens, and consolidates itself in Egypt as
well as all over the world where our class raises its head after
decades of suffering, submissiveness, silence… Many militant
expressions and structures re-emerge from the depths of this social
maelstrom and age-old confrontation between antagonistic forces of
both social classes, propounding the forces and weaknesses of our
class, its limits and its incomprehension: “libertarian socialists”,
“revolutionary unionists”, “revolutionary socialists”, “anarchists”,
“communist”, “Black Blocs”, “Ultras”, “Hooligans”, etc. are some of
the names these minorities label themselves with or the bourgeois
medias paste on their activities, their ruptures and their
hesitations.

Starting on Friday January 25th, important demonstrations and riots
shook all the country, showing thus the exacerbation of the global
crisis (“socially”, “economically”, “politically”) and the
simplification of antagonism between sectors of the proletariat in
struggle and the latest political alternative (the “Muslim
Brotherhood”) pushed by the system of management of capitalism.

The day after, the announcement of the death sentence for 21 football
supporters of Port Said provoked unrest: police stations are assaulted
and set on fire as well as offices of “Muslim Brotherhood”, some armed
groups attack the central jail and try to release the convicted… In
three days over forty proletarians are killed by cops, which led the
government to impose the state of emergency and a curfew in Port Said
as well as in the industrial cities of Ismailia and Suez. But the
population overtly challenges this decision while organizing night
demonstrations and football matches in the streets, which soldiers who
are supposed to enforce this curfew take part to. After some days,
this curfew is “eased”, if not definitely abolished because a lack of
confidence in the obedience of soldiers…

In the same mood of defeatism among the “security forces”, let’s note
that at the same time cops demonstrate asking the government for more
repression, more armament for “defending themselves” and repressing
“armed thugs”, other sectors of the police take to the streets all
over the country, from February 12th, to express their refusal to be
used as instruments of repression against the population.

We also want to emphasize the contempt of our class towards the
“variable-geometry” attitude (what a surprise…) of the bourgeois
opposition (mainly represented by the coalition of “National Salvation
Front”) during these events. The NSF, always lagging behind the
movement of our class, afraid of its vigour and its radicalism, trying
in vain to channel it, finally signs an agreement with the “Muslim
Brotherhood” condemning “all forms of violence” on the eve of the
important demonstration of Friday February 1st, in order to try to
take control of the movement and to pacify our anger. But our class
replies sharply to these bourgeois “opponents” as well as to the
government and once again (and during several days) the presidential
palace is assaulted… All the subsequent calls from the FSN to the
“fall of the oppressive regime and the political domination of Muslim
Brotherhood”, trying thus to stick close to the state of mind of the
radicalized movement, are fruitless because these professionals of
politics are so much discredited among the demonstrators that there is
only a last handful of useful idiots who still believe in their lies…

This being said, we don’t want here to argue on the content of
February 2012 events, which are the cause of the death sentences in
Port Said, when more than 70 people being at a football match between
the local club and a club from Cairo were killed during
clashes. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that some sectors of the
military deliberately and knowingly tried to punish the “hooligans” of
Cairo known for their involvement and their militant activities in the
social unrests that has shaken Egypt. On the other hand, the fact that
“hooligan” proletarians of Port Said could be used as mercenaries in
this disgusting task, it is not yet proven, and even though it was the
case, this would not be the first time in the tumultuous class
struggles history that some proletarians defend (temporarily) the
interests of the bourgeoisie and its state against their own interests
and those of the whole of our class… Whatever this shady affair was
about, proletarians in struggle in Port Said clearly demonstrated
which side of the social barricade they stand these last few weeks…

Indeed, from Sunday February 17th, important proletarian sectors of
Port Said started on, outside of any union structure and any political
party, a campaign of “civil disobedience”, consisting in blocking all
economic activity in the strategic industrial zone of the Suez Canal
while imposing general strike, forcing some ships to be rerouted,
erecting roadblocks and barricades to the main approaches to the town,
blocking railway lines and roads, organizing flying pickets so that
workers of other factory come out on strike, closing schools and
public administrations, refusing to pay governmental and local taxes,
boycotting the payment of electricity bills, physically clashing with
the cops, attacking and setting on fire their dens, what made several
dead in both sides, etc. What seems to characterize this development
of the struggle is self-organization of the angry masses, who equip
themselves once again with autonomous structures (“popular
committees”, etc.) taking in charge the various essential aspects of
life, like the distribution (for free or not) of food, like the
question of the production (what is to be produced and why?), the
refusal of labour and school system, etc. Because of all these
expressions of a rupture with the established societal order, some
militants said (maybe a bit quickly) that this experience of struggle
in Port Said is “a reality without precedent” as well as “an
experiment in a new form of living, producing and existing”, and they
went as far as calling it the “Egyptian Paris Commune”…1

In the following days, this campaign of direct action very quickly
spread like wildfire to other cities of the zone of the canal,
Ismailia and Suez, as well as to those of the Nile delta: violent
confrontations between bourgeois “security forces” and proletarians
who are more and more determined to do battle broke out in Mansura
(several dead), Tanta, El-Mahalla El-Kubra, etc. which seemed to be
beyond the control of social peace partisans… and up to Alexandria and
Cairo. Moreover since March 5th, dozens of police stations in most of
the governorates in the country are affected by a strike of cops who
refuse to be sent to the front to quell strikes and
demonstrations. All this marks once again an important level of
dissolution of state repression central apparatuses… This question of
“security” becomes nodal for the state to such an extent that the
government considers the creation of “private polices” to restore law
and order or as proposed by the Islamist “ultraconservative” group
Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya the organization of “security militias” in order
to “protect private property and banks”…

At last we have to mention the explosion of violence which followed
the confirmation of the death sentences for the 21 of Port Said on
Saturday 9th March and especially the verdict of not guilty for many
police officials or their symbolic sentencing. In Port Said
demonstrators tried to block the Suez Canal, while in Cairo police
buildings were torched. The same happened to the headquarters of the
“Egyptian Football Association”, what shows the lack of interest that
important active and combative sectors of the proletariat do feel
towards football and sport generally, which doesn’t fulfil its social
purpose of distraction and fuel for nationalism anymore. Stadiums are
deserted by proletarians who have better to do while taking to the
streets, while discussing “politics” and while attacking the
deterioration of their living conditions… Groups of football
supporters, either the “Green Eagles” of Port Said or the “Ultras
Devils” and “Ultras Ahlawy” of Cairo are involved in social movements
and often constitute their “shock troops”. Even some well-known
football players turn away from this aspect of the society of
spectacle to get involved in the movement of our class…

We would like to finish this short text on the class struggles in
Egypt with some programmatic considerations, which don’t come out from
our brains but are the direct result of this movement that takes place
in front of our eyes. These are also “lessons” we can draw and that
other revolutionary minorities already drew from the struggles of the
past. Either at the time of the proletarian movement in France in the
years 1870-71, better known under the name of “Commune of Paris”; or
at the time of the revolutionary process that shook the world in the
years 1917-21 and especially in Russia, as well as during the
councils’ republics of Bavaria and Hungary in 1919; or even in Spain
in 1936-37, etc. In all these moments of high struggle of the
proletariat, capital was able to encourage all the possible democratic
alternations. Facing a common enemy (the proletariat) that threatens
the very foundations of the expanded reproduction of the prevailing
social relation, all the bourgeois factions that only yesterday
(formally) “hated” each other, either unite or assume one after the
other the management of the society and its social peace. And even,
capital is able if necessary to co-opt proletarian elements stemming
from the struggle, to put them in charge of certain essential
functions of the “power” and thus to turn them into administrators of
the social relation and into gravediggers of the struggle (cf. the
role of the CNT and the “comrades ministers” in Spain)…

The state is a social relation

Anyway, all this to say that, contrary to all the idealistic beliefs
conveyed by the dominant ideology, and therefore also by a large
number of proletarians in struggle and militants, contrary to how the
state is grasped generally, that is to say while being reduced to an
“apparatus”, an “institution”, or a simple “structure”, the state is
not a “neutral” tool that the proletariat could take in hand and use
as such for its own purposes or even something that could be
transformed from “vertical” decision-making into “horizontal”
decision-making (fetishism and misery of federalism!). A large number
of revolutionaries of the past, whether they were “anarchists”,
“communists”, “Marxists”, “revolutionary socialists”, etc., always
grasped the state as a “tool” or quite simply as “the government”…

The state is a social relation, composed of various apparatuses
(government, parliament, police, army, employers, unions, political
parties, school system, etc.) combined with many ideologies that make
it strong (parliamentarianism, religion, positivism, authoritarianism,
etc.). In this way we can only support what Malatesta affirmed at the
end of the 19th century, that the state is to be found even within our
associations…

The state is a social relation that reproduces even within our
struggles, and which we vehemently fight against.

The state is a social relation and as such it appears in Egypt where
all the bourgeois factions are candidates for managing it: from the
military that assumed the “democratic transition period” after having
“sacked” the incapable Mubarak, to the Islamists and their magical
potion of divine ultra-liberalism, and finally the next candidates
like ElBaradei and other charlatans who are all the same… And it is
sure that all the tendencies of leftism rainbow are waiting behind the
scenes for their turn…

The state is a social relation and at the present level of the
development of class societies (and capitalism is the ultimate outcome
of this development as a synthesis of previous modes of production),
the state can only be the state of the capitalists, and therefore it
can only be destroyed through the force of social revolution, through
the movement of subversion of this world that will terminate all
shapes of exploitation to hand over to the communist society…

What change? What revolution?

We clearly distinguish ourselves from all those (“here” as well as
“there”) who call for “more democracy”, we refuse this false dichotomy
between “dictatorship” and “democracy”, because it is everywhere the
same state, the same dictatorship of profit and money that is imposed
against our human needs, it is everywhere the irreconcilable
antagonism between the class of the wealthy and that of the
dispossessed that rules, whether this democracy is a “parliamentary”
and “multiparty” one or a “military” and “one-party” one… And this
democracy produces many ideologies, which become material forces, like
that of the myth of the “sovereign people”, that is to say this force
which negates in action class antagonism. Under the democratic
dictatorship of value, the proletariat dissolves into “the people” and
ends up side by side with its historical enemy, the bourgeoisie, in
the defence of the interests of nation and economy. Whether it is in
Tunisia or even more in Egypt, this “sovereign people” that chooses a
new master while voting is in direct opposition theoretically as well
as practically with the proletariat, of which important sectors refuse
this infernal comedy. It is not only bourgeoisie against proletariat,
but also and especially people against proletariat… And in return, the
proletariat has to organize its struggle against the people…

We entitled this text “Nothing has changed, but everything begins…”,
to make obvious that we are sick and tired of all these “changes” and
these “revolutions” the bourgeoisie talks about, and that they are
nothing but only premises in the light of the huge upheavals we are
waiting for and which all of us will be driving force of. In fact,
everything begins and it is especially necessary that everything
continues, that the movement of subversion of this world doesn’t stop,
at least not before we reach the resolution of the social
contradictions and antagonisms, not before the whole humanity is free,
and free itself from its age-old and thousand-year-old chains…

But we know that at the same time, a lot of things have already
changed, a lot of things are changing… Such events as in Egypt, in
Tunisia, in Syria (in spite of the huge repression that tries to
suppress our energy under a deluge of fire and blood, of ashes and
rubbles), in Greece, in South Africa… and wherever our class raises
its head and struggles for living, such events transform us, fill us
with energy, give us other perspectives than this ruthless and pitiful
survival which we would be condemned to on the altar of submissiveness
to God Capital. Men and women who throw themselves headfirst into the
struggle already have another conception of life, they already forge
and reach a “political” consciousness, that is to say that they
transform their relation with other men and women who are in struggle,
their relation with the world… Fear begins to go over to the other
side…

“The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class
struggles” as the good old Karl Marx said… But if there are always
class struggles, even when the proletariat seems to be impassive,
exhausted, invisible, absent, we must emphasize that the development
of the struggles in the world since some years shows us that we begin
to go from a period of class struggles of “low intensity” (as the
bourgeois and their stupid militaries coarsely say) to a period of
“medium intensity” before approaching struggles of “high
intensity”. This last quality of the struggles will mean the global
affirmation of real revolutionary process on a world scale and will
consider theoretically as well as practically the question of the
destruction of the capitalist social relation, of the tyranny of value
and of the world based on the production of commodities…

Proletarian comrades in struggle in Tunisia, Syria, Egypt,… in South
Africa, China, Greece… and everywhere else in the world… capitalism
doesn’t have anything else to offer us than always more austerity,
misery, exploitation, repression, war, death…

The struggle for living, for developing a classless, stateless society
without exploiters, without bosses, police, armies, jails, etc. goes
through the elimination of all the bourgeois factions that manage our
everyday life and keep us in misery: “dictators” and “democrats”, the
“right” and the “left”, militaries and civilians, ultraliberals and
Social Democrats, Islamists and secularists…

Let’s develop internationalism, let’s break the national frontiers (as
well as frontiers between different sectors) poisoning the struggles
of our class. Let’s develop revolutionary defeatism: the best
solidarity with proletarians “over there” is to struggle “here”
against the same enemy, against our own bourgeoisie, against our own
state, against the world state of capital.

Let’s not make things profitable for the capitalists!  The economy is
in crisis, may it die!  The enemy is capitalism and the dictatorship
of world market!  The objective is everywhere the same: social
revolution!  Destruction of capitalism and the state!

Class war February/March 2013

http://autistici.org/tridnivalka/
tridnivalka@yahoo.com

This text is simultaneously published in three languages: Czech,
English and French, not because we have efficient translators but for
the sake of internationalism on one hand, and because it is the result
of a common activity of comrades speaking different languages on the
other hand.

— 1. See the text published by the Italian militant blog infoaut.org
“Egypt: The self-management of Port Said and the workers’ struggles”
available in English on Anarkismo website:
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/25022/.

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